This paper examines the multifunctional particle *-daa *from the
understudied Siberian Turkic language Tuvan. The data comes largely from
targeted elicitations with a native speaker. The distribution of *-daa *seems
to overlap entirely with Japanese *-mo*, a well-studied particle whose
diverse meanings across narrow contexts has been the focus of much semantic
analysis. These kinds of multifunctional particles are an important object
of study; if we assume that each role is the compositional result of a
unified semantic denotation, they reveal intricate patterns of logic and
linguistic structure. More narrowly, this paper will discuss *-daa*'s
surprising behavior in embedded clauses, where *-daa* displays intriguing
ambiguities not observed in matrix clauses. It is argued that *-daa *is an
alternative-activating 'pre-exhaustification' operator, with its myriad
readings being the result of the type of alternatives it activates.