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Recent experimental results (e.g., Sprouse & Messick, 2015) confirm the observation that D-linking ameliorates Weak Islands (e.g., Whether, Complex-NP Islands) but has no such effect on Strong Islands (e.g., Subject, Adjunct Islands). We present a theory of this difference: the lexical items that that block dependencies in Weak Islands (e.g., “whether”) are structurally analogous to lexical items that do not block dependencies (e.g., “that”) and thus can be coerced into supporting the dependencies; the corresponding lexical items in Strong Islands have no such good analogies. We present data from a computational analysis of English grammar in support of this theory.
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