This paper develops a compositional semantic analysis of subject-experiencer verbs, according to which such verbs contain an anaphoric index, building on a precedent in Hale & Keyser (1999; 2002). The index is bound by a functional head that introduces the experiencer (Adger & Ramchand 2005; Kratzer 2009). We show that the analysis correctly predicts that stative transitives are incompatible with subjectless presuppositions generated by again, in contrast to most eventive transitives (Bale 2007). Furthermore, even eventive transitive verbs are incompatible with such presuppositions when they contain reflexive theme objects, which we analyze as semantic indices bound by higher arguments following Kratzer (2009). We then extend the approach to ingestive verbs following Jackendoff (1992), showing that this extension is similarly supported by ingestive verbs being incompatible with subjectless presuppositions. Given this analysis, the impossibility of subjectless presuppositions with certain verb classes does not constitute an argument against severing the external argument, contra previous work.