A number of modal expressions (modal auxiliaries (Hacquard 2006, Kratzer 2013, Arregui 2010); modal indefinites (Alonso-Ovalle and Menéndez-Benito 2017); mood (Kratzer 2016, Portner and Rubinstein 2020) have been argued to project their domains of quantification from particulars (e.g., events or individuals). Kratzer (2013) hypothesizes that this mode of projection is generally available for modal elements (`The Modal Anchor Hypothesis', MAH). This paper presents novel evidence for the MAH. We analyze a subset of subjunctive relative clauses in Spanish, traditionally categorized as exceptional, and show that their behavior receives a natural explanation if subjunctive mood can employ a projection mechanism available to modal indefinites (Alonso-Ovalle and Menéndez-Benito 2017): retrieving possibilities from an event e by determining a set of worlds compatible with the decision of the agent of e to bring about e.
OSF does not support the use of Internet Explorer. For optimal performance, please switch to another browser.