A number of modal expressions (modal auxiliaries (Hacquard 2006, Kratzer
2013, Arregui 2010); modal indefinites (Alonso-Ovalle and Menéndez-Benito
2017); mood (Kratzer 2016, Portner and Rubinstein 2020) have been argued to
project their domains of quantification from particulars (e.g., events or
individuals). Kratzer (2013) hypothesizes that this mode of projection is
generally available for modal elements (`The Modal Anchor Hypothesis',
MAH). This paper presents novel evidence for the MAH. We analyze a subset
of subjunctive relative clauses in Spanish, traditionally categorized as
exceptional, and show that their behavior receives a natural explanation if
subjunctive mood can employ a projection mechanism available to modal
indefinites (Alonso-Ovalle and Menéndez-Benito 2017): retrieving
possibilities from an event e by determining a set of worlds compatible
with the decision of the agent of e to bring about e.
