How to eliminate templates and fission: deriving person discontinuities with spans

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I argue that the linear order of phi-features in clitic clusters is determined via ordinary syntactic Merge, with no need to appeal to templates, fission, or any other post-syntactic operations. Although clitic order has traditionally been held up as a prime example of arbitrariness in phi-feature order (e.g. Bonet 1995), I argue that clitic orders follow from predictable movements of Agreement subtrees inside syntactic heads. This will allow us to account for person discontinuities in the pronominal clitics of Yulparija (Pama-Nyungan). The analysis is cast in Nanosyntax (Starke 2002, 2009, Caha 2009).

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