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The even approach to NPI any (Crnicˇ 2011, 2014a, 2014b, 2019a, 2019b) makes two claims: (i) any and minimizers behave the same in strictly DE environments; (ii) in non- monotonic environments like the scope of ‘exactly n’, due to the covert even, any is felicitous only if the any-sentence is contextually less likely than its alternatives. I show that neither claim stands. Following the recent split scope analysis of modified numerals (Bumford, 2017; Zhang, 2020), I propose that any in the scope of ‘exactly n’ on the surface structure actually finds itself in the restriction of a definite plural in the logical form. The licensing of any in such sentences is therefore reduced to the licensing of any in the restriction of a definite plural description (Gajewski & Hsieh, 2014; Gajewski, 2016).
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