# **Indicator: Ey Raising** $(/eɪ/ → [i]\ / C_o\\$)$ ## In Greater Philadelphia Over the last century, **/eɪ/ has both raised and fronted to near the space of /i/** when the vowel is in a closed syllable. In this case, *sate* sounds more like *seat*, but *say* and *see* continue to sound different. * **Newer change in-progress** in Philadelphia (Labov 2001, p. 348). * **Low social awareness**: Most non-linguists in Philadelphia do not comment on this in their speech (cf. Labov, 2001, p. 300, footnote 4). Despite the lack of stylistic conditioning, effects of sex have begun to emerge: **Young women** raise to a higher degree than young men (cf. Labov et al., 2013, Figure 10). **Effect of social network**: Individuals who have stronger connections with people off their respective neighborhood blocks than they do with those on their blocks showed the highest rates of raising (e.g.,Labov 2001, pp. 336–353, 2010, pp. 188–189). ## Stability of /eɪ/ in African-American Philadelphians * Blacks show limited-to-no adoption of this change-in-progress (Labov, 2014, p. 5). * Given Philadelphia’s complex history as a liminal city between the North and the South (Labov et al., 2013), the possibility that the black population there is maintaining a more Southern-like pronunciation. ## Puerto Rican English ### Speaker Sex * **Females**: Maintained approximately the same degree of separation between favorable and disfavorable contexts as far back as data are available (Marilyn [S16], born in 1954). Strong participation in the change. * **Males**: Similar pattern, though slightly delayed relative to females. [EY-Raising by Sex/Birth Year (Conversational Speech)][1] ### Speech Style * **Conversation**: Strong distinction in conversational speech, and the position of the vowel mirrors that of white speakers. * **Read Speech**: No Ey-Raising [EY-Raising by Speech Style][2] The lack of raising in formal style suggests an absence of style shifting, which provides evidence that the variable is not under the conscious control of the speakers. This is similar to what has been reported for white speakers in Philadelphia. ### Socioeconomic Status Interior social groups tend to be the most extreme in their use of emergent sound changes, and Puerto Ricans exhibit this trend (see Labov, 2001, p. 171, for a similar finding for this variable in white speakers). * **Service occupations** (e.g., bus drivers, cooks, retail; n = 10) lead both in overall height of /eɪC/ and in degree of distinction between favorable and disfavorable contexts . * **Peripheral occupation groups**, such as those with production occupations (e.g., vehicle inspector, construction worker; n = 4) and professional occupations (e.g., administrator; n = 5), who still show a raised variant in favorable contexts, have a vowel that is lower than that of the interior group. * **Unemployed** (n = 13): lowest values of /eɪ/ overall. Lack of employment and reliance on limited government aid for subsistence inhibits one’s ability to travel (to Center City or the surrounding area), which, combined with the staggering geodemographic segregation in Philadelphia (e.g., Massey & Denton, 1993), may consequently minimize exposure to white speech. [EY-Raising by SES][3] ### Interaction of SES and Sex When Sex and Socioeconomic Status are crossed, it becomes apparent that women are in the lead. Women, unlike men, show the expected curvilinear pattern by SES. [EY-Raising by Sex and SES][4] [1]: https://osf.io/978v3/ [2]: https://osf.io/ejxnf/ [3]: https://osf.io/e34kb [4]: https://osf.io/pzrva/