In this paper, we present a new analysis of Hadza tonology. In previous work, tone has been considered a property of the syllable (Sands 2013, Tucker et al. 1977), whereas we will argue that the mora is the tone-bearing unit. Based on data collected in 2019 and 2020 from four different Hadza-speaking areas, we argue that morae may be specified for H tone or unspecified (which are realized with low tone). In addition to presenting a typology of tone patterns in Hadza roots, we will also present a typology of the prominence patterns seen. Interactions of prosodic structure and tone will be discussed. For instance, a final 3sg.f PNG marker /-ko/ generally appears with high tone on nouns in a frame sentence (‘I saw X there’), or in list-intonation (when indicating continuation); in edge-final position, however,/-ko/ may appear with devoicing/elision and low pitch. Interestingly, despite having a very rich consonant inventory with contrasts in airflow mechanisms, aspiration, voicing and glottalization, Hadza does not appear to have any consonant/tone co-occurrence restrictions.