Scoping out of relative clauses in Mandarin

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This paper examines exceptional-scope effects across relative clause boundaries in Mandarin: An RC-embedded quantifier is able to take wide scope over an RC-external one and bind matrix pronouns. The exceptional-scope effects are observed in object RCs, and a certain type of subject RCs, i.e. those containing bare verbs without aspect markers, but disappear when the focus-sensitive exhaustifier *dou* is present in the RC. This paper proposes a long QR analysis for the exceptional-scope effects, and shows that QR out of a Mandarin RC does not violate the locality constraints due to the RC's prenominal, pre-D(eterminer) position. The blocking effect of *dou* and limited occurrences in subject RCs will also be shown to follow from the long QR analysis.

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