Nanosyntactic accounts of allomorphy like Caha et al. 2019 propose that roots can only control affixal allomorphy when the affixes are directly root-contiguous. By presenting two types of cross-linguistic counterexamples to this claim, this paper argues that this generalization is too restrictive. This paper examines a number of examples that show two or more allomorphs that stand in apparent containment relations predicted to be impossible, including plurals in German, Welsh, and Albanian, as well as deponents in Latin. These examples challenge the Nanosyntactic notion that lexical items refer to specific syntactic structures, suggesting that a less restrictive model is required in order to capture the full extent of cross-linguistic variation.
OSF does not support the use of Internet Explorer. For optimal performance, please switch to another browser.