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I can be reached at demirokomerfaruk at gmail . com Abstract: This paper challenges the fairly established view that semantic effects of movement (concerning, in particular, scope and opacity) can also arise without movement, which in turn justifies additional in-situ mechanisms. In particular, I argue that grammar can derive 'island-violating' semantic effects concerning scope and opacity via pied-piping, building on Charlow’s (2019) proposal on island-violating scope of indefinites. Importantly, this explains exceptional scope and opacity effects in a unified manner, which is arguably a more parsimonious alternative than invoking distinct enrichments for exceptional wide scope (e.g. pointwise composition/choice functions) and exceptional *de re* (e.g. world pronouns).
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