Zoom Meeting (Saturday, 12-2pm EDT): [https://ucsd.zoom.us/j/420311826][1]
Abstract: Some contemporary theories of sluicing (clausal ellipsis) predict
ungrammaticality for cases in which a syntactic mismatch exists
between the antecedent clause and the ellipsis clause (Merchant, 2013;
Rudin, 2019, inter alia). To test the validity of this “mismatch
generalization” against a broader set of mismatches, we conducted two
acceptability judgment experiments examining mismatches due to tough
movement (Expt 1), and voice-mismatch cases in which the sluice
targets an adjunct of the antecedent verb (Expt 2). We found no
evidence for a mismatch penalty associated with tough movement or
passivization in when, where, and how sluices. This result suggests
that argument-structure mismatches under ellipsis are acceptable
unless they affect verb-internal arguments, adding an important new
adequacy criterion for theories of sluicing.
[1]: https://ucsd.zoom.us/j/420311826