Zoom Meeting (Saturday, 12-2pm EDT): [https://ucsd.zoom.us/j/420311826][1] Abstract: Some contemporary theories of sluicing (clausal ellipsis) predict ungrammaticality for cases in which a syntactic mismatch exists between the antecedent clause and the ellipsis clause (Merchant, 2013; Rudin, 2019, inter alia). To test the validity of this “mismatch generalization” against a broader set of mismatches, we conducted two acceptability judgment experiments examining mismatches due to tough movement (Expt 1), and voice-mismatch cases in which the sluice targets an adjunct of the antecedent verb (Expt 2). We found no evidence for a mismatch penalty associated with tough movement or passivization in when, where, and how sluices. This result suggests that argument-structure mismatches under ellipsis are acceptable unless they affect verb-internal arguments, adding an important new adequacy criterion for theories of sluicing. [1]: https://ucsd.zoom.us/j/420311826