If you have any questions/comments on our handout, please join us for a Q&A session starting 16:30 CEST! Zoom link: https://mit.zoom.us/j/91584564852. -------------------------------------------- *UPDATE on Q&A*: due to a last-minute change of plans, we are rescheduling the April 14th (Tuesday) Zoom session to the 16th (Thursday) at the same time. The updated times are: - Apr 15, 16:30-18:00 CEST - Apr 16, 16:30-18:00 CEST We'll post the link here approximately 30 minutes before the sessions. Sorry for any inconvenience! Alternatively you can email us at: ibassi@mit.edu (Itai Bassi); jcolley@mit.edu (Justin Colley) ----------------------------------------------------- ABSTRACT: We propose a new generalization on remnants in various ellipsis constructions: unstressed functional material cannot be stranded if its (potential) prosodic host is elided. For example, an unstressed object pronoun cannot be stranded if its verb is elided (gapped). We analyze this as an instance of syntax-prosody mismatch. Within Match Theory, such syntax-prosody mismatches are treated as arising from competition between the pressure to reflect syntactic structure, and prosodic well-formedness constraints. Capturing this interaction requires an architecture in which the prosody and ellipsis are evaluated in parallel. The broader implications of our analysis, if successful, is that it motivates a view of ellipsis whereby any constraints on ellipsis beyond semantic recoverability are the result of competition between candidates for the possible phonological output of the syntactic input. This competition is regulated by the relative ranking between Match constraints and prosodic well-formedness constraints.