The German discourse particle 'denn' is pervasive in interrogatives. Truth conditionally inert, it restricts the contexts where a question can be used felicitously. Denn requires that a certain relation, REL, hold between a sentence internal meaning, INT, furnished by the interrogative host, and external aspects of discourse, EXT. In this presentation, we comment on the analysis of 'denn' by Theiler (2021), who proposes that INT is meaning that 'denn'’s host sentence highlights, in the sense of Roelofsen & Farkas (2015). We argue instead that INT is denoted by the prejacent of 'denn'. Focusing on polar interrogatives and building on observations in Bayer et al. (2016), we make our case by showing the acceptability of denn can vary with its syntactic position, arguing that the observed variation is captured straightforwardly if INT is identified with 'denn'’s prejacent, but not otherwise.
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