This poster introduces a new analysis of coordinated wh-questions in
Russian couched in the labeling framework (Chomsky 2013). I argue that the
derivation of a coordinated wh-question involves an "unbalanced"
coordination of a wh-phrase and a wh-clause that is later resolved via
deletion (which in turn ensures the correct labeling). I further show that
this analysis correctly derives the basic facts about the wh-coordination
in Russian and predicts differences between the single sluicing and
wh-coordination with respect to syntactic islands, superiority effects, and
the clause-mate condition.