I examine the effect of the English exclusive particle *just* in imperatives and interrogatives used to perform directives. In particular, I present data showing that such sentences containing *just* (e.g. *Just pass me the salt* or *Can you just pass me the salt?*) are ambiguous between two readings: One in which *just* places an upper bound on the content of the directive, and one in which *just* places an upper bound on the speaker’s public discourse commitments. I argue that the latter reading is the result of just taking scope over a speech act operator, and I explore the consequences of this analysis for speech act theory.
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