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We investigate a person restriction in Algonquian ditransitives and “pseudo-transitives”, and we observe that these restrictions only arise in the vicinity of an overt agreeing verb. In configurations that (i) lack agreement or (ii) involve ellipsis of the agreeing verb, the person restriction disappears. We propose that this generalization receives a principled explanation on a feature-gluttony account (Coon & Keine to appear) but not on accounts that attribute person restrictions to failures of nominal licensing.
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