We investigate a person restriction in Algonquian ditransitives and
“pseudo-transitives”, and we observe that these restrictions only arise in
the vicinity of an overt agreeing verb. In configurations that (i) lack
agreement or (ii) involve ellipsis of the agreeing verb, the person
restriction disappears. We propose that this generalization receives a
principled explanation on a feature-gluttony account (Coon & Keine to
appear) but not on accounts that attribute person restrictions to failures
of nominal licensing.