This study claims that a French negated infinitive purpose clause "pour ne
pas + INF" may be reinterpreted as a controlled subjunctive clause "pour ne
pas que + SUBJ" when it conveys a non-responsibility situation (i.e. the
situation the agent does not intentionally bring about). This hypothesis is
supported by the fact that i) if and only if this construction denotes a
non-responsibility situation, positive polarity indefinites (e.g.
*quelqu’un* ‘someone’) in it may take narrow scope, which indicates that
the superficially clause-mate negation is in fact interpreted
clause-externally; ii) even with a non-responsibility situation, out-scoped
positive polarity indefinites are not compatible with indefinite
minimalizers (e.g. *(dire) un mot* ‘(say) a word’), which should be
licensed by a clause-mate negation.