In the resent surge of interest in clause periphery, the previous literature is now abundant in studies of allocutive markings and other discourse-oriented expressions (Haegeman and Hill 2013; Miyagawa 2012, 2017; Zu 2015, 2018; Portner et al. 2019). As the view has become a standard assumption that a speaker-hearer coordinate is present in the outermost layer of the sentence (aka performative hypothesis, Ross 1970), discourse-oriented elements that appear in non-clause periphery have drawn researchers’ attention; e.g., embedded addressee-honorifics/allocutivity (Yamada 2019; Kaur and Yamada 2019; Alok 2020), overt second person pronouns (Alok and Baker 2020; Kaur and Yamada 2021). Maintaining the performative hypothesis, recent studies have proposed some grammatical link between the Adr/c in clause periphery and the instance below it; syntactic binding for pronouns (Alok and Baker 2020), and a postsyntactic morphological node-sprouting for an addressee-honorific marker (Yamada 2019). In this study, we develop this direction with unprecedented data from Japanese, aka, phrase-final particles (PFPs), and demonstrate how unexpected non–clause-peripheral elements are analyzed by a combination of extant theoretical devises without violating performative hypothesis.