Representational counterfactual attitude verbs (e.g. imagine) typically reject whether-complements. My talk traces the source of this rejection. I argue that the difference between imagine whether (?) and remember whether (okay) is explained through (i) the parasitic dependence of the matrix attitude on an experience and through (ii) the ‘decidedness assumption’ (i.e. ‘p is true’) in the classical interpretation of whether q (i.e. ‘p is true and [p = q or p = ¬q]’). I observe that whether-clauses are only found when the complement is interpreted at a ‘veridical experience’-alternative (as is often the case for remember, but rarely for imagine). I give a compositional semantics that captures this restriction.