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In this work, we challenge the view that failure of coconstrual between a pronoun and a name in its c-commanding domain is exhaustively accounted for by Principle C of the Binding Theory. We present experimental evidence from a binary forced choice (FC) task demonstrating that obviative behavior of c-commanding subject pronouns is a combined effect of Principle C and an independent restriction on coconstrual with structurally prominent pronouns. We further argue that sentences where a pronoun linearly precedes and c-commands a name must be viewed as a special, structurally marked case of backwards anaphora where the possibility of coconstrual is affected by three types of factors: (i) those common to all pronominal reference resolution (e.g., plausibility of coconstrual), (ii) those common to all backwards anaphora (e.g., pronominal position), and (iii) factor(s) exclusive to structurally marked environments (e.g., Principle C effect). Ultimately, we propose a non-categorical, multi-variable approach to pronominal reference resolution in structurally marked environments.
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