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The German question particle alles (Reis 1992; Zimmermann 2007) is characterised in the semantic literature as imposing plurality and exhaustivity requirements on the answer space (a prototypical example in (1), ibid.). We report on novel experimental evidence testing alles in embedded contexts. We investigated alles with three embedding predicates: vergessen ‘forget’, wissen ‘know’, and überraschen ‘surprise’. The data show that alles may be focussed and contributes to at-issue propositional content, on the basis of its interaction with negation.
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