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In this research, we investigated whether unaccusativity affects processing of wh dependencies, by conducting two self-paced reading experiments involving intransitive subject relative clauses (SRCs) with unergative and unaccusative verbs in English. Importantly, we find both an “unaccusative subject advantage” (Experiment 1) and an “unergative subject advantage” (Experiment 2), depending on the argument structure of the matrix predicate (i.e., whether its surface subject is VP-external or VP-internal), and propose that this effect arises from the argument structure of the intransitive RC verb (specifically, the merge site of its subject) which syntactically matches with the subcategorization frame of an upcoming main verb.
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