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In Mississippi Choctaw, adjacent clausemate nouns cannot generally carry identical case-markers (Broadwell 2006). I term this a 'Case OCP' restriction, after similar phenomena in Hindi (Mohanan 1994) and Japanese (Kuroda 1992, Hiraiwa 2010). Using data from original fieldwork, I show that the Choctaw Case OCP is sensitive to a mixture of morphological and syntactic factors: (a) the morphological form of the case suffix, (b) linear adjacency, (c) the syntactic category to which the suffix is attached, and (d) clause boundaries. Working within a Distributed Morphology framework, I argue that Choctaw's Case OCP is active in the morphological derivation at the point of Vocabulary Insertion (VI), but must be able to 'see' category labels and hierarchical syntactic structure. I further argue that it should be encoded as a violable constraint (or rather, a pair of constraints), rather than as a filter on outputs.
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