Abstract: Based on novel data from the native speaker co-author we provide evidence that Igbo (Benue-Kwa) has two types of resumptive pronouns (RPs): RPs that occurs at the bottom of (a) base-generation A'-dependencies and (b) of A'-movement dependencies. While it has been argued before that different kinds of RPs can co-exist in a language (a.o. Borer 1984, Aoun et al. 2001, Bianchi 2004, Sichel 2014), the evidence is usually based on subtle reconstruction effects from relative clauses. Igbo provides comprehensive evidence from island-sensitivity, reconstruction, cyclicity effects for the split. We argue that RPs in movement dependencies surface to fulfill various PF-requirements (overt realization of non-structural case). Since resumption does not repair islands in Igbo, we can check which XP are opaque for subextraction. We find that only adjuncts, complex NPs and clausal subjects are islands; coordination only blocks subextraction from a conjunct, while extraction of conjuncts is fine. We hypothesize that these contexts can be reduced to a basic adjunct (islands) vs argument (transparent) distinction.